{"@context":{"@vocab":"https://cir.nii.ac.jp/schema/1.0/","rdfs":"http://www.w3.org/2000/01/rdf-schema#","dc":"http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/","dcterms":"http://purl.org/dc/terms/","foaf":"http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/","prism":"http://prismstandard.org/namespaces/basic/2.0/","cinii":"http://ci.nii.ac.jp/ns/1.0/","datacite":"https://schema.datacite.org/meta/kernel-4/","ndl":"http://ndl.go.jp/dcndl/terms/","jpcoar":"https://github.com/JPCOAR/schema/blob/master/2.0/"},"@id":"https://cir.nii.ac.jp/crid/1360869858969070592.json","@type":"Article","productIdentifier":[{"identifier":{"@type":"DOI","@value":"10.1177/1354066105052960"}},{"identifier":{"@type":"URI","@value":"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1354066105052960"}}],"dc:title":[{"@value":"The Three Faces of Securitization: Political Agency, Audience and Context"}],"description":[{"type":"abstract","notation":[{"@value":"<jats:p>The prime claim of the theory of securitization is that the articulation of security produces a specific threatening state of affairs. Within this theory, power is derived from the use of ‘appropriate’ words in conformity with established rules governing speech acts. I argue, however, that a speech act view of security does not provide adequate grounding upon which to examine security practices in ‘real situations’. For instance, many security utterances counter the ‘rule of sincerity’ and, the intrinsic power attributed to ‘security’ overlooks the objective context in which security agents are situated. As a corrective, I put forward three basic assumptions — (i) that an effective securitization is audience-centered; (ii) that securitization is context-dependent; (iii) that an effective securitization is power-laden. The insights gleaned from the investigation of these assumptions are progressively integrated into the pragmatic act of security, the value of which is to provide researchers in the field with a tractable number of variables to investigate in order to gain a better understanding of the linguistic manufacture of threats.</jats:p>"}]}],"creator":[{"@id":"https://cir.nii.ac.jp/crid/1380869858969070592","@type":"Researcher","foaf:name":[{"@value":"Thierry Balzacq"}],"jpcoar:affiliationName":[{"@value":"Centre for European Policy Studies, Belgium and Sciences Po Paris, France"}]}],"publication":{"publicationIdentifier":[{"@type":"PISSN","@value":"13540661"},{"@type":"EISSN","@value":"14603713"}],"prism:publicationName":[{"@value":"European Journal of International Relations"}],"dc:publisher":[{"@value":"SAGE Publications"}],"prism:publicationDate":"2005-06","prism:volume":"11","prism:number":"2","prism:startingPage":"171","prism:endingPage":"201"},"reviewed":"false","dc:rights":["https://journals.sagepub.com/page/policies/text-and-data-mining-license"],"url":[{"@id":"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1354066105052960"}],"createdAt":"2005-06-03","modifiedAt":"2025-01-27","relatedProduct":[{"@id":"https://cir.nii.ac.jp/crid/1360025429417410816","@type":"Article","resourceType":"学術雑誌論文(journal article)","relationType":["isReferencedBy"],"jpcoar:relatedTitle":[{"@value":"The undersecuritization of COVID-19 in Japan: Voluntary behavioral change as self-defense?"}]},{"@id":"https://cir.nii.ac.jp/crid/1360588380136302592","@type":"Article","resourceType":"学術雑誌論文(journal article)","relationType":["isReferencedBy"],"jpcoar:relatedTitle":[{"@value":"Securitisation, Scapegoat, Identity Politics: Why Did President Duterte Mark Record-High Approval Ratings Despite His Failure to Combat the COVID-19 Pandemic?"}]}],"dataSourceIdentifier":[{"@type":"CROSSREF","@value":"10.1177/1354066105052960"},{"@type":"CROSSREF","@value":"10.1177/09670106231224602_references_DOI_IfzqXXQYOSe5h1IIDyVTZYKeOSP"},{"@type":"CROSSREF","@value":"10.1177/18681034241280648_references_DOI_IfzqXXQYOSe5h1IIDyVTZYKeOSP"}]}