英語における主語の繰り上がりに関する通時的変異

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書誌事項

タイトル別名
  • エイゴ ニ オケル シュゴ ノ クリアガリ ニ カンスル ツウジテキ ヘンイ
  • Diachronic Variations on Subject Raising in English

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説明

This paper investigates diachronic variations on subject raising to the TP domain within the current framework of generative grammar, more particularly in term of labeling algorithm and feature inheritance. In Present-day English, an internal subject NP may raise to the TP domain, while it is also allowed to stay within the vP domain in some syntactic contexts including the existential there -construction. In contrast, raising of an external subject NP from its base position to the TP domain is obligatory in Present-day English. I propose that a Foc-feature can be inherited from v (*) to V in the same fashion as a φ-feature inherited from C to T. Based on my proposal, it is shown that the vP domain including an unraised internal subject NP can be properly labeled via this Foc-feature, but the v* P domain including an unraised external subject NP cannot be. Earlier stages of English showed a number of significant differences from Present-day English in this context, although optional/obligatory raising of internal/external subject NP has not been changed throughout the history of English. In particular, the expletive there was optional in the existential construction for the Old and Middle English period. It is argued that T could be strengthened enough to serve as a label by overt raising of a relatively richly inflected finite verb, so that so-called [Spec, TP] may be empty. More interestingly, an external subject NP could co-occur with the expletive there and therefore the transitive expletive construction was attested only for the Late Middle and Early Modern English period. This paper claims that there has developed from a locative adverb (and later a clitic) merged in the CP domain to the expletive merged in the TP domain.

収録刊行物

  • IVY

    IVY 56 77-94, 2023-12-20

    名古屋大学英文学会

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