Selective adaptation in sentence comprehension: Evidence from event-related brain potentials
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- Masataka Yano
- Department of Language Sciences, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Tokyo, Japan
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- Shugo Suwazono
- Department of Neurology and Centre for Clinical Neuroscience, National Hospital Organization Okinawa National Hospital, Okinawa, Japan
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- Hiroshi Arao
- Department of Human Sciences, Taisho University, Tokyo, Japan
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- Daichi Yasunaga
- Faculty of Letters, Institute of Human and Social Sciences, Kanazawa University, Ishikawa, Japan
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- Hiroaki Oishi
- College of Comprehensive Psychology, Ritsumeikan University, Osaka, Japan
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説明
<jats:p> In this study, two event-related potential experiments were conducted to investigate whether readers adapt their expectations to morphosyntactically (Experiment 1) or semantically (Experiment 2) anomalous sentences when they are repeatedly exposed to them. To address this issue, we experimentally manipulated the probability of occurrence of grammatical sentences and syntactically and semantically anomalous sentences through experiments. For the low probability block, anomalous sentences were presented less frequently than grammatical sentences (with a ratio of 1 to 4), while they were presented as frequently as grammatical sentences in the equal probability block. Experiment 1 revealed a smaller P600 effect for morphosyntactic violations in the equal probability block than in the low probability block. Linear mixed-effects models were used to examine how the size of the P600 effect changed as the experiment went along. The results showed that the smaller P600 effect of the equal probability block resulted from an amplitude’s decline in morphosyntactically violated sentences over the course of the experiment, suggesting an adaptation to morphosyntactic violations. In Experiment 2, semantically anomalous sentences elicited a larger N400 effect than their semantically natural counterparts regardless of probability manipulation. Little evidence was found in favour of adaptation to semantic violations in that the processing cost associated with the N400 did not decrease over the course of the experiment. Therefore, a dynamic aspect of language-processing system was demonstrated in this study. We will discuss why the language-processing system shows a selective adaptation to morphosyntactic violations. </jats:p>
収録刊行物
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- Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology
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Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 74 (4), 645-668, 2021-01-28
SAGE Publications
