満洲事変下の吉野作造の国際政治論

書誌事項

タイトル別名
  • “Regionalism” Versus a Sino-Japanese Alliance: Yoshino Sakuzo's Views on Japan's Diplomatic Policy after the Manchurian Incident
  • 満洲事変下の吉野作造の国際政治論--日中提携論と「地域主義」の分岐
  • マンシュウ ジヘン カ ノ ヨシノサクゾウ ノ コクサイ セイジロン ニッチュウ テイケイロン ト チイキ シュギ ノ ブンキ
  • 日中提携論と「地域主義」の分岐

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抄録

This essay discusses Yoshino Sakuzo's arguments on Japan's diplomatic policy during the Manchurian crisis (1929–1933, culminating in 1931 when the Manchurian Incident broke out). Scholars disagree on whether this champion of democracy during the Taisho era was an imperialist or an internationalist, making it difficult to comprehend Yoshino's arguments on the Manchurian crisis.<br>This essay gives a clearer picture of Yoshino by (1) examining his realistic arguments for an equal partnership between Japan and China and (2) comparing realism with arguments for a regional order in East Asia put forward by Yoshino's contemporary, Royama Masamichi, a political analyst and journalist Yoshino was an idealist in foreign policy, who based his views on internationalism on the ideas of Woodrow Wilson. He also supported the League of Nations temporarily. His “Asianism” led him to apply the internationalist principle of world brotherhood to East Asia. Therefore, he defended the Korean independence movement and the May Fourth Movement in China in 1919. More importantly, he thought of entering into an alliance with China once it achieved nationhood. But China did not completely become independent until the Chinese Nationalist revolution (1924–1927).<br>While willing to defend the pursuit of national interest at any cost, Yoshino advocated an international order based on equality among nations. Although China remained disunited, he argued that Japan should protect its interests in China even resorting to force. At the same time, he insisted that a China integrated under the leadership of the Nationalists would be desirable because it would be cooperative and reliable in maintaining and even expanding Japan's interests in China. The paper concludes that Yoshino's arguments for Sino-Japanese partnership stemmed not from idealism but from realism.<br>Royama, on the other hand, argued that Japan should cooperate with the Great Powers in order to control China. Although regarded as a pioneer of cooperative regionalism, Royama actually envisaged Japan including China in its sphere of influence, with the approval of the Great Powers. It was thus that the so-called cooperative Royama hailed the recognition of Manchukuo while the realistic Yoshino strenuously opposed it.<br>In 1932, Yoshino wrote the foreword to the December issue of the Chuokoron magazine. While superficially appearing to hail the impending new order in East Asia, Yoshino warned that Japan's pursuit of a Monroe Doctrine in East Asia would come to a standstill, which turned out to be his will. Japan's aftermath proved how profound was Yoshino's insight.

収録刊行物

  • 国際政治

    国際政治 2009 (156), 156_121-136, 2009

    一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

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