十九世紀末バイエルンにおける農民運動 : カトリック教徒を基盤とする協同組合の設立

As the Great Depression in Agriculture during the last quarter of the nineteenth century was getting worse, in particular at the beginning of the 1890's, the political fermentation among peasantry became remarkable. In Bavaria it took the form of the rise of peasant movements. One was the Bayerischer Bauernbund which protested against the Catholic Zentrum; the other was the Bayerischer Bauernverein which did not oppose the Zentrum. Until now, concerning the agricultural organization, Bund der Landwirte (BdL) which was organized according to the initiative of large estate owners in the east of the Elbe has attracted historians' attention. Recently, however, Ian Farr attemped to describe the significance of peasant movements in Bavaria. His argument is as follows. Local examination shows that various peasant leagues, which were at the heart of a political radicalisation in the Bavarian countryside, cannot be seen as some monolithic appendage of the BdL. Propounding a problem like this, he analyzed the activity of the Bayerischen Bauernbund in connection with the tariff reform of 1902 for the first time. The purpose of the present article is to consider the Bayerischen Bauernverein in comparison with the Bayerischen Bauernbund and to elucidate the historical significance of the cooperative society ("Ein-und Verkaufsgenossenschaft") which was formed on the basis of the Bayerischen Bauernverein. In Bavaria, after Caprivi's "Neue Kurs", the division of social strata on which the Zentrum was based became obvious. The Zentrum's approving of the trade agreement with Austria-Hungary provoked antipathy among peasantry and led to the organization which excluded the nobility and the high priests and consisted of almost only peasantry. In this way, from 1893 to 1895 the Bayerischer Bauernbund was formed. Almost simultaneously, the Bayerischer Bauernverein began to be organized. Although both organizations had common characteristic that their organizational basis consisted of almost catholic peasants, they coped with a critical phase quite differently. The Bauernbund organized an independent political party, "Bauernpartei". It limited its activity to the realization of the economic policy and tried to rely on "Staatshilfe". In contrast with the Bauernbund, the members of the Bauernverein remained the constituency of the Zentrum. The Bauernverein also needed "Staatshilfe", but to the extent that its policy never became exclusive one which considered only the peasants' interest. On the other hand, the Bauernverein regarded the cooperative movemeht, which was based on the idea of "Selbsthilfe" among peasants, as the nucleus of its development. The formation of "Ein- und Verkaufsgenossenschaft" promised to rationalize the production and circulation process in peasant economy, but this function was given the practical basis for the first time when the combination of "Genossenschaft" and "Raiffeisenverein" was attained and "Lagerhauser" were built. The Bauernverein coped with the crisis rationally and carved its way to overcome the critical situation. By this option, first of all, the Bauernverein played a role to prevent peasantry from coming to vote for the Social Democratic Party. Secondly, the Bauernverein tried to offer the practical base to oppose the tendency that peasantry suffering from the exploitation by usurers joined the anti-Semitic movement. Thirdly, the activity of the Bauernverein served to stabilize peasants' landownership.