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- OGAWA YOSHIKI
- Graduate School of Information Sciences Tohoku University
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説明
In this article, focusing on the dative alternation with the Give Verbs and Verbs of Future Having, we propose (i) that the V-NP-PP construction and the double object construction (DOC) share the same underlying structure, which involves a small clause CP headed by the invisible verb HAVE, which is an amalgamation of the invisible copula BE and the invisible adposition TO, and (ii) that the former is derived from the latter, by the excorporation of TO out of HAVE, the C-to-V incorporation, and the A-movement of the Theme NP across the CP boundary. We argue that every movement across a CP-boundary is constrained by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC), from which a syntactic solution is given to the question why certain double object verbs lack the V-NP-PP variant. It is argued that the legitimate derivation of the V-NP-PP variant from the DOC is subject to the PIC, since the C-to-V in-corporation, which is independently constrained by the temporal equivalence condition, enables movement to the matrix Spec of the matrix non-phase head V, which is otherwise inapplicable.
収録刊行物
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- ＥＮＧＬＩＳＨ ＬＩＮＧＵＩＳＴＩＣＳ
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ＥＮＧＬＩＳＨ ＬＩＮＧＵＩＳＴＩＣＳ 25 (1), 93-126, 2008
The English Linguistic Society of Japan
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詳細情報 詳細情報について
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- CRID
- 1390282680304727808
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- NII論文ID
- 130003650990
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- ISSN
- 18843107
- 09183701
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- 本文言語コード
- en
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- データソース種別
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- JaLC
- Crossref
- CiNii Articles
- OpenAIRE
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- 抄録ライセンスフラグ
- 使用不可
