「北京コンセンサス」を擁護する : 高成長型の政府・市場のベスト・ミックス(<特集>中国経済をどうみるか)

<p>Different from many Japanese's belief, China has many similarities to Japan, for example as export-oriented industrial countries. However, each people dislikes each other, although this tension has been loosened after the East Japan Earthquake in 2011. Therefore, we need to solve misunderstandings which has been caused by prejudices, and in this sense, this paper focus on 'Beijing Consensus', because this is the best word to express the present socio-economic and political system of China. The points of this paper are as follows; First, the present Chinese high growth is pushed by very active entrepreneurship of the Chinese businessmen, although it was regarded as an obstacle for the modernization. Second, the present trend of the regional disparity is preferable, although its Gini coefficient is still now rising. The basic trend after 1990 is decreasing trend of the disparity in the coastal area and it means that rich area is expanding from a only limited areas to all of the coastal areas. But even if all of the coastal area has become rich, because ratio of the population of the coastal area is under 50 percent, this change means the increase in Gini coefficient. But we have to know this trend is just the expanding process of the rich area. Third, this paper shows that administrative system and political system are working well in China. I think the basic condition of this wellworking is the consensus of the people, or the belief on the government's ability. This situation is very different from Japan. And on the political system, this paper emphasized that Chinese political system is a different type of democracy as known 'deliberative democracy' in the Western world while emphasizing that the Western type of democracy has many problems and in many cases it damages the minorities, for example minor ethnicity and Marxist groups in the universities in the Western society. This paper also provides the author's opinion how to understand intellectual control in the non-matured society. Fourth, this paper shows that urban-rural dual registration system in China had its own reasonable reason which gave the lands to the farmers. In this sense, this system was not a discrimination against the farmers, but the policies preferable for the farmers. But after the reformation conducted by Deng Xiaoping, without land reallocation in many villages, some of the non-farmers became to be land owners to employ farmers as wageearners or rent their land to the farmers as tenants, in the case that some of the farmers are not reallocated lands. In this sense, lack of the reallocation has caused such new problems. However, short term holding of lands by farmers makes disincentives to richen their soils or maintain the irrigation system and so on. In this sense, at least in the intensive agricultural system, privatization process cannot be stopped. Dual registration system also cannot be kept because large a number of farmers hope to be workers or entrepreneurs. Fifth, I provided my opinions on how to understand the Chinese ethnic conflicts, and my conclusion is that this conflict is based on the class conflict between the workers and capitalists. Because Han Chinese are very active and launch their business in the minority areas and the minorities are lack of entrepreneurship, class relation has become ethnic relation, and the movement of the workers or unemployed against the capitalists has appeared as ethnic conflicts. Therefore, as long as capitalist system continues, the only one solution of the ethnic conflict is to make some part of minorities to be capitalists, and the Chinese Communist Party is making a lot of efforts for this purpose. Finally, to end this paper, I mentioned some tasks for the Chinese future after the end of high growth period. The first one is to stop the too much governmental spending policy, because it will cause neo-liberalism as a</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>