中世の香取文書には六点ほどの検注帳が存在しており、これまでの香取社領研究においても基本な帳簿として検討されてきた。しかし、香取社領の検注帳類は東国社会において希有の史料であるにもかかわらず、史料学的な検討は不十分なままであった。そこで本稿では、千葉県史での調査成果をふまえ、応永六年の検注帳を中心に検注帳類の史料的性格や香取社領における検注帳作成の歴史的な意義について再検討し、そのうえで、香取社領における検注帳類と本研究のテーマである「室町期荘園制の研究」とのかかわりについて追究した。結果としては、①応永六年香取神領検田取帳は鎌倉時代からの諸史料によって確認できる香取社領の全体構成からすると、社領内のかぎられた所領つまり大禰宜家私領や地頭領に取り込まれずにのこされた（あるいは地頭押領地であったものが返却された）ところだけの帳簿にすぎなかったこと、②したがって、この応永六年香取神領検田取帳は香取社領のうちで大禰宜家私領や地頭領（＝武家領）に組み込まれずにすんだ（あるいは返却された）、いわゆる荘園制の枠組みをささえた公田に関する帳簿なのであり、鎌倉時代の検注帳類との坪付けごとの数値にほとんど変化がないのはそのためであること、③これまで中世後期には荘園制の枠組みは解体し、寺社本所一円領と武家領（地頭領）とに整理されていくとされてきたのであるが、香取社領の場合には、荘園制的な枠組みは社領内の半分の田地が「神領」として再編成されることによって維持されていたこと、④応永六年香取神畠検注取帳の場合は正慶二年の畠検注取帳と比較して畠地の面積は明確に増加していたが、これには中世における田地と畠地の性格のちがいが関係しており、田地＝公田とは異なって畠地＝公畠には現実的な支配が進行していたことなどを明らかにした。

Katori documents from the Middle Ages include six examples of a kenchu-cho (land survey ledger), and these have examined as the basic ledgers for study of the Katori sharyo. However, despite the Katori sharyo's kenchu-cho and related documents being unusual historical specimens for the Togoku society, they have not received sufficient attention from the viewpoint of the study of historical documents. Based on the findings of surveys focusing on the history of Chiba prefecture, and concentrating mainly on the kenchu-cho of Oei 6 (1399), this paper reexamines the kenchu-cho and related documents from the perspective of their character as a historical record, and from the perspective of the historical significance of the kenchu-cho being made by the Katori sharyo, and examines in depth how the Kenchu-cho and related documents from the Katori sharyo are related to the research theme of ”Study of the shoen system in the Muromachi period”. This research produced a number of findings, including four particular points. 1) The Oei 6 Katori sharyo kendentori-cho, when considered in terms of the overall composition of the Katori sharyo that can be confirmed from a number of historical records from the Kamakura period, appears to be no more than a ledger limited to only specific shoryo within the sharyo, i.e., those remaining after not being taken into the Onegi-ke shiryo or jitoryo, etc. (or otherwise land that had been sequestered by the jito but had been returned). 2) In consequence, the Oei 6 denchi-cho is a ledger relating to the parts of the Katori sharyo that avoided being incorporated into (or were returned from) the Onegi-ke shiryo or the jitoryo (= bukeryo), or in other words, relating to the koden (public fields) that supported the framework of the shoen system, and that is the reason why there is virtually no difference in the individual tsubo figures when compared with kenchu-cho documents from the Kamakura period. 3) Until now, it has been thought that in the later Middle Ages, the framework of the shoen system was dismantled, being reconfigured asjisha honjo ichienryou and bukeryo (jitoryo), but in the case of the Katori sharyo, the shoen system-like framework was retained by the reorganization of half the rice-fields in the sharyo as shinryo. 4) When compared with the Shokei 2 (1333) Hatake Kenchutori-cho, the hatake field figures for the Oei 6 Katori Kamihata Kenchutori-cho show a clear increase, which is related to the different characteristics of rice fields and hatake fields in the Middle Ages. It can be seen that rather than for public rice-fields (= koden), in practice it was for public hatake fields (= kohata) that control was most advanced.

source:https://www.rekihaku.ac.jp/outline/publication/ronbun/ronbun5/index.html#no104