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  • 公的事業がコミュニティ・カフェに与える影響と運営者による対応
  • コウテキ ジギョウ ガ コミュニティ ・ カフェ ニ アタエル エイキョウ ト ウンエイシャ ニ ヨル タイオウ

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<p> Recently, the word “ibasho” has been attracting increasing attention in Japan. The term initially referred to the physical space that a person occupies; however, since about 1980s, it has come to include mental and social aspects related to the increasing attention that social isolation has received. Considering the various explanations that previous research has offered, “ibasho” can be defined as “the place where people find that they can subjectively acquire a sense of self-receptiveness, self-efficiency or opportunity to relate with others, as influenced by physical and social conditions.”</p><p> As society becomes interested in ibasho, more people are attempting to make space for the promotion of others’ quest to find it. With the goal of widening ibasho-making’s currently insufficient economic base, the government has launched new programs to help spread these activities; however, this is occurring amid concerns that such programs can actually be detrimental to the characteristics of making ibasho by, for instance, reducing the flexible management that promote users’ ibasho-finding through the imposition of governmental program regulations.</p><p> This paper focuses on community cafes which is representative cases of making of “ibasho”, and aims to clarify how governmental programs influence community cafe as well as managers’ user-directed methods for mitigating detrimental influences. Interviews with managers and field surveys of 25 advanced cases were conducted. Fifty programs related to community cafe were classified by program content and the typologies of positional relation with community cafes. Program content was classified in the following categories: elder care (severe), elder care (mild), community development, disability welfare, child welfare, the establishment of a community’s base, and the use a vacant store. Meanwhile, the typologies of positional relation were classified as follows: separated type, temporary share type, and constant share type.</p><p> The results led to the following findings:</p><p> 1) Influences are recognized more when governmental programs are used for management as opposed to when they are used for opening.</p><p> 2) Influences are different for each typology of positional relation between governmental programs and community cafe. The following are frequently recognized influences across every classification of positional relation: network expansion, user increase and diversification, burden increase, and management restriction. In general, the governmental programs that do not share space constantly tend to be perceived as beneficially influential while those that do share space tend to be associated with detrimental influences.</p><p> 3) Base business governmental programs tend to enjoy recognition as influential factors more than their ancillary business counterparts.</p><p> 4) In order to tackle governmental programs’ detrimental influences, managers deal with users in various ways. Positive operations are the main method for reducing the “trouble among users,” which is a detrimental influence that emerges from programs that do not constantly share space. Moreover, positive and negative operations as well as the use of negative facility equipment are the main methods for reducing the “problematic user tendencies” and the “misunderstanding by locals,” which are detrimental influences that emerge from programs that share space. As such, managers’ strategies for reducing detrimental influences also differ for each positional relation typology that is common between governmental programs and community cafes.</p><p> 5) In some cases, governmental programs are not used because mangers find lack of a suited government programs.</p>



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