This article focuses on Latin panegyrics from the late 3rd to early 4th centuries that are preserved in the corpus of XII Panegyrici Latini. A panegyric is a laudatory speech that is designed to be delivered on festive occasions for dignitaries and (especially) emperors. XII Panegyrici Latini contains 12 panegyrics by the Younger Pliny, Pacatus, Claudius Mamertinus, Nazarius, Eumenius of Autun, and other anonymous orators. Eight of these are concentrated in the years 289-313 and were delivered by Gallic rhetors mainly in Trier to praise imperial achievements and anniversaries. The Gallic panegyrics that are discussed here indicate an intimate connection between the court in Trier and Gallic orators in the Tetrarchic age. Here I deal with two characteristics of these panegyrics. The first characteristic is the eminent position of Autun. Four of the 12 Panegyrici were definitely delivered by orators from the city of Aeduans, Autun. These Aeduan panegyrists suggest that they were ex-officials of the court, possibly employed in the early days of the Tetrarchy. The panegyrist of 297 was recommended to Maximian by Constantius, and Eumenius of Autun was magister memoriae (a chief-official of secretariats and its function ranging from judicial, administrative, to diplomatic spheres) in the court of Trier. The panegyrist of 310, who himself had held some posts in the court, had a son serving Constantine as an advocatus fisci (a senior legal officer representing the interests of the imperial treasury against private individuals) and many of his disciples were employed in law-courts and administration. These orators were also proud of the benefits and imperial favor that they brought to their hometown, such as the reconstruction of buildings, private and public, aqueducts, public baths and a school of rhetoric. Particularly remarkable is the reduction of tax burdens for Autun, which was permitted by Constantine in 311, and a representative of Autun gave an official thanksgiving speech as a panegyric in 312. The second characteristic is the propagandistic aspect. The description of Maximian is worthy of attention. At the marriage of Constantine and Fausta (Maxmian's daughter) in 307, Maximian is praised as a senior Augustus to Constantine and a guarantor of the latter's legitimacy. After his revolt against Constantine and its failure in 310, Maximian became an object of vituperation. The Aeduan orator of 310, however, shows reluctance and perplexity in denouncing Maximian as a mere traitor, and avoids severe and outspoken criticism of him. To speak about the revolt and death of Maximian was a 'profound wound (profunda vulnera)' for him. Finally, after the battle of Milvian Bridge, the panegyrist of 313 declared in Trier that Maxentius, who was in fact a son of the deceased Maximian and who was defeated in that battle, was a changeling and denied any blood relationship with Maximian. Numismatic evidence shows Maximian was treated as a 'divus' as well as Claudius Gothicus and Constantius (a fictitious ancestor and the real father of Constantine) later in 317/8. Maximian is thus praised at first, then killed in (disgrace, and rehabilitated posthumously in the propagandistic narratives in Gallic panegyrics. From the date and content of Gallic panegyrics, it is thought that these orators seized the opportunity to serve as officials and gain prominent positions in local society as soon as Maximian came to Gaul and established his court in Trier. Aeduans utilized this access to the court for the revitalization of their hometown. This connection, which had been constructed in the Tetrarchic political system, was still effective in the early Constantinian period and enabled Autun to obtain tax reduction. At the same time. Maximian's revolt had to be treated in a restrained manner within panegyrical discourse because Maximian was the source of authority both for Constantine and for prominent Gallic ex-officials. This close tie with Gaul, however, s