How to Apply Successful Labeling and Agreement to {Non-DP, TP} and the VP-Internal Subject: Revisiting Locative Inversion in Terms of the Refined POP Framework

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  • {Non-DP, TP}構造と動詞句内主語における適切なラベル付けと Agreement の適用
  • ――精緻化したPOPの枠組みを用いた場所句倒置の再考――

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Abstract

<p>This paper aims to elaborate on the POP (Problems of Projection) framework advocated by Chomsky (2013, 2015a) by conducting a reminiscent consideration of Locative Inversion, a construction with the idiosyncratic grammatical array and information structure. Traditionally, the construction has been given a syntactic derivation in which the locative PP undergoes movement to SPEC-T, while the subject DP remains within the VP-domain. This derivation poses two crucial questions for the POP framework: i) how the VP-internal subject undergoes φ-agreement with T and ii) what kind of agreement takes place in {PP, TP}. By refining the POP framework, this paper proposes that i) the POP framework maintains long-distance agreement such as in the Agree framework of Chomsky (2000, 2001) and ii) {PP, TP} receives a label of <Top, Top> as the result of topic-feature agreement via topic-feature inheritance from C by T. In addition, this paper attempts to clarify the interaction between syntax and information structure that is observable in Locative Inversion. Specifically, it demonstrates to what extent the syntactic derivation affects the unambiguous information structure in which the locative PP counts as a topic, while the postverbal subject is presented with focus. This paper argues that this peculiar information structure is associated with the syntactic derivation where {PP, TP} undergoes topic-feature agreement and obtains a label of <Top, Top>. The discussion in this paper suggests that the topic agreement/labeling is reflected in two ways: it helps the syntactic derivation converge and it guarantees that the locative PP functions as the topic of the sentence.</p>

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